<underfire> disappearance
Allan Siegel
allan at kekbicikli.hu
Sun Nov 19 18:00:21 EST 2006
Hello
Says Steve: “The point is that acts of state terror have never have
been invisible, indeed the opposite is true because the acts are
paraded in front of the world as 'worthy acts'.” If this were in fact
true, than tribunals such as that sitting in The Hague would be
redundant. And, instead of investigators we would just need fact-
checkers. It would be useful to define exactly what are ‘acts of
terror’ – state or otherwise. Mainly because the use of certain terms
without an explanation of what lies behind them is not always so
clear or obvious. My point is that acts of state terror arrive in all
forms and with different objectives and many clearly intended to be
hidden.
Individual acts of terror (suicide bombings and other acts conducted
under the auspices or sponsorship of quasi-governmental or political
bodies) and institutionally or militarily organized acts of terror
are political weapons are they not? On one level they are simply
distinguishable in the choice of weaponry and scale. In either
situation there is an ideological basis for their utilization. There
is a lengthy time span that marks the evolution of these strategies
just as there is sequence of occurances relating to a ‘critical
disappearance’ in regards to resistance. More specificity, it would
seem to me that those with the wherewithal (and analysis) should be
thinking more in terms of a critical re-appearance and ultra-
visibility rather than the opposite.
The purpose/s of the “machinery of the state” (“the postmodern
state”) are not quite so difficult to comprehend; certain machines
are deliberately secret and invisible (and easy to fetishise).
However, the objectives regarding the deployment and utilization of
this apparatus is not so obscure. Isn’t this part of the ‘shock and
awe’ strategy that was supposed to bring democracy to Iraq? Stealth
fighters, drones, the full arsenal of hi-tech weaponry is utlized
daily in Iraq and Gaza; for what final purpose and with what success?
As I commented earlier, what is problematic in Irving’s formulation
(regardless of its interesting observations) is the absence of
context and the sweeping assumptions. What I fail to see is its
applicability in terms of other points that have been raised here.
More specifically: what State? What democracy? Where or how one can
engage (resist) specific govermental policies can no longer be bound
by one dimensional portraits of contemporary reality. There are, as
Alain states various, ‘zones’ – “zones forming constellations of
democracy or free market… zones in crisis, zones of barbaric
violence, social wastelands and slow or rapid genocide” - they are
in a state of constant flux.
Two brief addenda here: Thank you Michael for bringing ‘liberation
theology’ into the discussion about evangelical internationalism (the
treatment of Ernesto Cardinal and Camillo Torres by the Catholic
Church could amplify this area since I believe the rise of
evangelical movement in parts of central and latin america coincides
with the suppression of liberation theology).
Also, Steve, though I know who Levinas is I can’t say that I have
read him.
Thanks all
a.s.
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