<underfire> chaos, utopia & the 60's
Allan Siegel
allan at kekbicikli.hu
Fri Nov 3 13:43:11 EST 2006
Michael is correct, my error, regarding Michael Moore – he was sacked
from Mother Jones in ’86. But, moving right along…
However, I disagree with Michael’s other statement: “Allan speaks of
theorization as if that has some great importance in lending
opposition to violence. Much as I like theory, the relationship is
nonsense.” Perhaps we have a different understanding of what
theorization means – certainly it can be purely abstract BUT it can
also apply and relate to the real world. On the most immediate,
basic, spontaneous level one can intervene to prevent violence; on a
larger plane theoretical assumptions can both result in violence OR
prevent or diminish it. Quantum physics facilitated the construction
of the atomic bomb – Hiroshima. Mass non-violent movements in various
parts of the world diminished (quite likely) violence. Did the self-
immolation of Buddhist monks prevent violence? Were they based on
theorizations?
What is useful about the 60’s in the context of the current
discussion relates to the strands of utopianism (on many levels) that
motivated different spheres of political activity AND the
organizational networks that arose to implement various visions of
what might be socially possible. In that “strange days” 60’s surreal
way there was some common thread that seemed to link the cultural
revolution in China with Paris with Bolivia with anti-war protests in
Washington. The link was subliminal yet significantly driven by the
potentialities of human liberation OUTSIDE of the dogma of turgid
leftist parties. My interest here is not to discuss or dwell on what
actually came out of all this (which was actually considerable). My
emphasis is on the fact that people created structures suitable to
articulating and implementing their goals. In time many of these
structures became equally turgid YET without them little could have
happened. And, naïve or otherwise most of these structures were built
around theoretical assumptions.
Today, as Loretta points out, many of the structures we are drawn to
– yearn for? - are ephemeral. The public space of activism is mainly
a virtual space. There is a marked absence of a vision of the kind
world we imagine or are committed to creating/building. Rosa Parks
sitting in the front of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama was both a
political and a visionary statement; The Port Huron Statement (1962)
is a point of demarcation between two visions of the world; and, the
Vietnam War, after all was a war against colonialism.
“A "chaos" has now completely, and for years to come, replaced the
orderly world of the Cold War. Alain Joxe
The orderly world of the Cold War produced and orderly, palatable
kind of utopianism. Whereas today there is a dystopic whirlwind of
change in which:
“The question of territory as a parameter for authority and rights
has entered a new phase. State exclusive authority over territory
remains the
prevalent mode of final authority in the global political economy.
But it is less absolute formally than it once was meant to be and
prevalence is not
to be confused with dominance.” Saskia Sassen
AND things look a little like Wim Wender’s THE END OF VIOLENCE. One
might venture to say that the ‘materialist’ utopianism of the 60’s
has been displaced by a more ethereal ‘evangelical’ form of
utopianism – a moral utopia (Christian, Muslim or Jewish) to
challenge a changing ethical center of gravity in which, as Alain
states, there are:
“zones forming constellations of democracy or free market
clusters in circular form, then, further away, zones separated by
flexible
or ephemeral institutional, economic or military membranes; zones in
crisis,
zones of barbaric violence, social wastelands and slow or rapid
genocide….”
In this kind of landscape what exactly is violence? Is utopia even
relevant?
Allan
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